New Delhi: China marked the 80th anniversary of Japan’s surrender during World War II with a grand military display in Beijing, celebrated as the Victory Day Parade, on September 3. The event showcased China’s expanding military strength through elaborate formations and the unveiling of advanced weaponry. But beyond the pageantry, what drew global attention was the rare public alignment of Chinese President Xi Jinping with Russian President Vladimir Putin and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.
Over 20 heads of state attended the parade. Among them was Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif. However, one absence was particularly conspicuous. Prime Minister Narendra Modi did not participate.
The trio of Xi, Putin and Kim standing shoulder to shoulder during the parade was a symbolic gesture, which was seen as a challenge to the U.S.-led liberal global order. This alignment came shortly after U.S. President Donald Trump accused China, via a Truth Social post, of conspiring with Russia and North Korea against American interests.
While not naming Trump directly, President Xi said in his speech that China “does not fear intimidation”.
The decision not to attend the parade was carefully scrutinized in India. The parade was commemorative of the Chinese resistance against Japanese aggression during WWII. Despite its colonial past, India does not consider Japan a fascist power in the same light. Attending the parade might have inadvertently signalled opposition to Japan, a country with which New Delhi currently shares warm diplomatic and strategic ties.
The invitation to attend the was extended to all nations. However, for India, which views Japan as a close friend, attending a parade that celebrated military victory over Tokyo would have sent conflicting signals. China never trusted India in the first place, and it still does not.
India prefers not to be seen supporting regimes that are not liberal or democratic. Many of the countries attending the parade fell short on parameters such as civil liberties, democracy and transparency. The gathering symbolised a new global order that China is trying to build, one that India does not wish to be part of.
The strategic nature of Modi’s earlier visit to Japan, which preceded his trip to China, seemed less like a coincidence and more like a calibrated move. Japan and China share historical and ongoing tensions. In China, references to Japan often fuel nationalist sentiment. India’s decision to skip the parade helped avoid the optics of standing with China and North Korea, both adversaries of Japan.
Some speculated whether Donald Trump’s increasing tariffs on Indian goods influenced Modi’s absence. The U.S. president had imposed a 50% tariff on Indian products, straining ties with New Delhi.
However, a group of experts dismiss this as a direct cause. They believe that Modi’s decision had more to do with long-term strategic alignment than short-term diplomatic retaliation.
Recent developments suggest a thaw in India-China ties after years of strain following the 2020 Galwan Valley clash. Visits by both countries’ foreign ministers and Modi’s presence at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in China indicated improving diplomatic dialogue.
However, India staying away from the parade served as a reminder that while conversations are open, core differences remain unresolved.
For India, participating in China’s Victory Day Parade would have meant more than ceremonial attendance. It would have carried geopolitical implications, possibly signalling endorsement of China’s military assertiveness and its alternative world vision. And that, experts agree, is a message New Delhi was not willing to send.
India appears committed to aligning with liberal democracies and preserving its strategic autonomy. The country may continue engaging China through diplomatic channels and multilateral platforms such as the SCO, but it remains cautious of being pulled into spheres of influence that contradict its broader vision for a democratic and rules-based international order.